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March 13, 2005

Another School Voucher Bill

Representative Debbie Riddle (R) of District 150 in Northwest Houston, filed House Bill 3042 on Friday, March 11 that will pay private school tuition with state dollars.

Key points of HB 3042
- $5,500 in tuition available to students to use at a private school. The vouchers will not be limited to low-performing schools or to children of parents with a certain income level.
- Students must be eligible to attend public school in Texas, or be a legal resident of Texas, and have attended public school full time during the last semester of the previous school year, or have received a voucher for the previous year.
- If the cost of attending private school is less than the $5,500 provided by the state, the difference would be placed in savings account where it would be available for the student to use towards future education or college tuition.
- If approved, the bill will go into effect on September 1, 2005.
To view a complete text of HB 1342 visit: www.capitol.state.tx.us/tlo/reports/daily/79R/house.htm

Before I go on, I would like to say that there are examples of under-performing schools in both the public and private school systems. I don't want to create an impression that private education is all bad and public education is all good. However, I will point out the problems public schools are likely to face under a voucher system.

Why public school funding should not be diverted to vouchers:
- State expenditures per student for May 2004 were $7,330. That amount is less than the national average of $8,156, making Texas 32nd for spending per student (Source).
- Vouchers are likely to benefit the well-to-do families who have the means to drive their children to school everyday and to pay any costs not covered by vouchers.
- Providing vouchers to students could act as a drain of good students and resources from the public school system.
- There is no guarantee that all private schools meet state performance and academic standards, state curriculum requirements, and teacher certification and training standards because they are unregulated.
- By law, public schools must provide expensive, but necessary programs such as bilingual education and special education to students.

Sources of funding problems for Texas school districts:
- The state continues to demand higher standards from public schools with under funded budgets that do not keep pace with inflation and a growing student population.
- The state's contribution to public education has declined over the past decade from 45% to an all-time low of about 36%, shifting the burden to local communities that may not have the resources to support additional education costs (Source - page 2).
- Almost 70% of Texas' 1,045 school districts are at or very close to their state-mandated tax caps (Source).
- President Bush cut the funding for his already under funded No Child Left Behind program by $496 million in his 2006 budget proposal that will further increase the burden on already tight public school budgets to meet its requirements (Source).

Sources of increased costs for public schools:
- Student enrollment in Texas continues to increase by over 70,000 students per year making it necessary to continually build new facilities and expand existing schools to accommodate students (Source - page 1).
- The increasing demands of accountability, higher education requirements and expectations, and new mandates from programs such as No Child Left Behind.
- A growing percentage of new students require bilingual education and accelerated learning programs.
- The education industry is very labor intensive, which means that when insurance rates increase education spending must also increase to cover teacher and staff insurance costs.
- Inflation places a demand on teachers' salaries that must keep up or the teachers essentially receive a pay cut if their pay remains the same over years.

If public school districts do not receive the revenue required to keep pace with inflation and enrollment growth, they will be unable to maintain the quality of education and to maintain current standards. Consequently, taking money away from the public school system through vouchers means that public schools will not have the much needed money necessary to pay for additional campuses to meet the demands of increasing student enrollment, library books, computer-based learning programs, providing adequate salaries and health insurance to teachers and employees, and rising utility costs. Special programs such as art, band, and athletics that enhance student education may have to be cut. Many districts already have to cut staff positions and programs to stay within their budget that increase the workload of teachers who already devote large amounts of time outside of class to prepare for each school day.

Furthermore, according to a study conducted by Texas A&M University, public schools are already operating at a 93% efficiency level. The remaining 7% may not actually be from inefficient use of funds, but could be going toward social studies, science, art, music, and technical instruction that were not included in the study. In addition, the study did not consider food service, transportation, utilities, insurance, or maintenance costs (Source - page 1).

The legality of vouchers:
The Texas Constitution does not mention anything about a voucher program for education, but affirms:
"A general diffusion of knowledge being essential to the preservation of the liberties and rights of the people, it shall make suitable provision for the support and maintenance of an efficient system of public schools (Art. 1, Sec. 7)."

However, because some private schools are run by religious organizations, a voucher program could be challenged on the following law of the state constitution:
"No money shall be appropriated, or drawn from the Treasury for the benefit of any sect, or religious society, theological or religious seminary; nor shall property belonging to the state be appropriated for such purposes (Art. 1, Sec. 1)."

In fact Texas already has competition among schools in the form of charter schools and the Public Education Grant Program, which permits students attending low performing public schools to switch to another public school within their district, or possibly another school outside their district without being charged tuition. The Texas Education Agency (TEA) rated only 11 public schools and 34 charter schools as low performing in 2000-2001 (Source).

As of the 2000-2001 academic year there were 7,519 public schools across Texas' 1,041 school districts. Low performing schools represented 0.6% of all public schools (Source).

What to do about the funding crisis:
Unfortunately, there is not a whole lot that can be done without increasing taxes, which have been cut significantly by the Texas legislature. It is not a pleasing solution, but companies raise the price of their products to meet increases in production costs. Gas prices rise as the cost of oil rises. We may not like it but we still need gas to get around town. The effect of growing public and private costs is the same in that costs are passed on to the consumers. If we continue to demand quality education from the state, we will have to be willing to pay for it. According to the US Census Bureau, Texas ranks 49th in the nation in tax revenue raised. I believe it is too dangerous to consider diverting public school money to vouchers for a private education without ensuring that public schools have the means to improve their standing.

Contact Representative Riddle: www.house.state.tx.us/members/dist150/riddle.htm
Contact your representative: www.capitol.state.tx.us/fyi/fyi.htm

Posted by at March 13, 2005 05:59 PM | Permalink

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Comments

A great explanation of all the reasons vouchers are terrible. Point by point, every concerned parent/citizen should read this to understand why we must fight against them. We, with the Democratic Party, have battled this awful idea for the last decade here in Texas. But, with an ever stronger Republican majority in power, we might go over in this session. The bottom line is that only two groups favor vouchers. One are right wing fundamentalists wanting federal dollars for religious schools, and, in the bargain, hoping to do away with public education all together because it teaches "evolution" and "sex education". And the other is the rich looking for tax dollars to support private schools. If vouchers pass we can forget about the wonderful equalizing force, i.e., the middle class, our country has had thanks to public education. Our future will be more like current third world countries with the rich getting educated and richer and the rest falling further and further behind.
Good job Marc!
Susan Gates

Posted by: Susan Gates at March 13, 2005 10:52 PM

With all those problems stated, there are yet more problems with vouchers: the cost. Let's start with the fact that the cheapest private schools start at around $900 a month, which is $8,100 a year. From there, it really gets nasty.



In recent years I have read two studies (I apologize for the lack of details, but it has been awhile) on the subject of college tuition and publicly available scholarships. In every case, in every area where tuition grants and scholarships are increased, tuition tends to be increased as well. It's like an oddball kind of supply and demand: the supply of tuition money goes up, so the demands of the universities go up. They raise their tuition because they can.



I expect a similar phenomenon with school vouchers, if it ever gets that far. By this I mean, 1) if there is substantial demand for the vouchers, which is by no means certain and 2) if there are enough schools to service the demand, which is highly unlikely unless there is no demand. Market forces already pretty well guarantee that most private schools are full or close to it, because otherwise they would probably have to close their doors.



Bottom line: no matter how much the state is willing to pay toward vouchers, it will never be enough to pay the bill. As a result, it will only subsidize upper-income students, and even they will have a problem: trust me, no upper-income parent will want their kids to go to a $1,000-a-month school -- they're practically in shacks.



It makes no sense. Debra Riddle has the brains of a parakeet, and the heart of a rock.

Posted by: Dale Napier at March 14, 2005 05:04 PM

Riddle's bill is the only solution that makes sense.

We now know neither Neeley or Spellings is going to do anything about the sad state of Texas public schools:

http://texasjournal.com/index.php/weblog/divas/

It's time to put the parents in charge and begin reaping the benefits:

http://texasjournal.com/index.php/weblog/texascollege/

Posted by: Dave Zenker at May 6, 2005 07:29 AM

The effect of school vouchers would be to reduce funding for the education of students who remain in public schools and potentially lead to the destruction of our public school system. We should be looking for ways to rebuild the school system, not destroy it.

Posted by: Lyn Wall at May 6, 2005 07:40 AM

I've pasted an article below that appeared at one time on www.progressive.org. Republicans are trying to destroy public education basically because they view it as just another social program or handout from the government. Republicans also despise the teachers' unions which overwhelmingly support Democrats and are extremely diverse.

Here is the article that appeared on The Progressive:


Why the Right Hates
Public Education

by Barbara Miner

In an article about education, it's appropriate to start with a pop quiz. Today's question: Republican strategists want to privatize education because:

a) Education is a multibillion dollar market, and the private sector is eager to get its hands on those dollars.
b) Conservatives are devoted to the free market and believe that private is inherently superior to public.
c) Shrinking public education furthers the Republican Party goal of drastically reducing the public sector.
d) Privatization undermines teacher unions, a key base of support for the Democratic Party.
e) Privatization rhetoric can be used to woo African American and Latino voters to the Republican Party.
f) All of the above.

OK, I admit it, the answer's obvious: all of the above. But in the debates over education policy, the Republican political agenda (see d and e) is often invisible.

Occasionally, Republican strategists let the cat out of the bag and admit that vouchers--which divert public dollars to private schools--are about politics, not education.

Grover Norquist, head of Americans for Tax Reform and one of the most influential Republican strategists in Washington, has long recognized the partisan value of vouchers, sometimes euphemistically referred to as "choice." "School choice reaches right into the heart of the Democratic coalition and takes people out of it," he said in a 1998 interview with Insight, the magazine of the conservative Washington Times.

Norquist and others see great political benefit in going after the teachers' unions. During the last thirty years, as private sector unionism has declined, the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) and National Education Association (NEA) have grown in strength. Today, the 2.7 million-member NEA is the country's largest union. The AFT has one million members, mostly in education but also in health care and the public sector.

While both teacher unions overwhelmingly support the Democratic Party, conservatives especially hate the NEA. It is larger, more geographically diverse, with members in every Congressional district in the country, and more likely to push a liberal agenda that includes social issues such as gay rights.

As the conservative Landmark Legal Foundation complained this fall, the NEA is "the nation's largest, most powerful, and most political union."

The teacher unions back up their support for the Democratic Party with money and grassroots organization. After all, public schools exist in every municipality and county in the nation. Unlike manufacturing, teaching cannot be outsourced to Mexico, China, or Bangladesh.

In mainstream publications, conservatives tend to muffle their partisan antagonism toward teacher unions. Not so in conservative publications and documents.

The issue comes down to "a matter of power," said Terry Moe, a senior fellow at the conservative Hoover Institution and co-author of the book Politics, Markets, and America's Schools, in an interview with the Heartland Institute in Chicago this summer.

The NEA and AFT "have a lot of money for campaign contributions and for lobbying," he said. "They also have a lot of electoral clout because they have many activists out in the trenches in every political district. . . . No other group can claim this kind of geographically uniform political activity. They are everywhere."

School vouchers are a way to diminish that power. "School choice allows children and money to leave the system, and that means there will be fewer public teacher jobs, lower union membership, and lower dues," Moe explains.

For those in the thick of the debate, it's long been obvious that vouchers are an attack on teacher unions. Even Wisconsin State Representative Annette "Polly" Williams, an African American who helped start the Milwaukee voucher program, the country's first, now admits as much. "The main motivation of some of the choice supporters was to weaken public education unions," she wrote in a letter this summer to Governor Jim Doyle.

Eliminating public education may seem unAmerican. But a growing number of movement conservatives have signed a proclamation from the Alliance for the Separation of School and State that favors "ending government involvement in education." Signatories include such Washington notables as David Boaz and Ed Crane of the Cato Institute; conservative author Dinesh D'Souza; Dean Clancy, who is an education policy analyst for House Majority Leader Dennis Hastert; and Howard Phillips, president of the Conservative Caucus.

Wisconsin State Representative Chris Sinicki, who was a Milwaukee School Board member when vouchers began in Milwaukee in 1990, says there is no doubt that vouchers "are a Republican strategy to take down public education and the unions. This is partisan politics, completely."

Which brings us back to our pop quiz and, in particular, to Answer e: Privatization rhetoric can be used to woo African American and Latino voters to the Republican Party.

In the 2000 Presidential election, Bush garnered only 8 percent of the African American vote and about 35 percent of the Latino vote. (Overall, less than 10 percent of Bush's votes came from minorities.) The following year, Republican strategist Matthew Dowd outlined a plan to boost African American support to 13-15 percent and Latino support to 38-40 percent for the 2004 election.

While universal vouchers remain the goal, for tactical reasons conservatives have wrapped vouchers in the mantle of concern for poor African Americans and Latinos. Indeed, voucher supporters are fond of calling school choice the new civil rights movement. This plays well not only with voters of color but also with liberal suburban whites who, while they may be leery of allowing significant numbers of minorities into their schools, nonetheless support the concept of equal rights for all.

Conservatives and their front groups in the African American and Latino communities have not been shy about comparing voucher opponents to Southern segregationists. During the Congressional push for vouchers in Washington, D.C., this fall, groups such as D.C. Parents for School Choice launched a particularly vicious campaign against prominent Democrats. "Forty years ago, politicians like George Wallace stood in the doors of good schools trying to prevent poor black children from getting in," one ad said, comparing voucher opponents like Senator Edward Kennedy to Wallace.

Virginia Walden-Ford, executive director of D.C. Parents for School Choice, was vague in explaining to the Washington community newspaper The Common Denominator how her group financed the ads. She did admit that over the years her group had received money from the Bradley Foundation, the Walton Family Foundation, and Children First America--all prominent conservative organizations supporting vouchers. The Institute for Justice, a libertarian legal group, provided media support. So did Audrey Mullen, a signer of the Separation of School and State proclamation.

Even if Republicans fail to woo African Americans and Latinos to the Republican Party, they may dampen African American and Latino voter turnout--a neutralization strategy, as it were.

"The strategy is to get young black people not to vote," says Michael Charney, editor of The Critique, the newspaper of the teachers' union in Cleveland, which also has a voucher program. "These radio commercials are aimed at the hip-hop generation. The goal is to discredit Democrats and breed cynicism."

The commercials, he continues, "are part of a conscious strategy by the most advanced elements in the electoral Republican machine. It's smart from their view, even if it is disgusting."

David Sheridan, an analyst for the NEA, agrees it will be tough for the Republicans to win over African American voters. "But I think it's different with the Hispanic audience," he says. "I think they see this as a major effort to get more Hispanic voters into the Republican camp."

The Republican emphasis on vouchers runs the risk of alienating moderate Republicans who support public education. Such support is strong not only in rural areas where public schools are a vital part of the community and private schools are few, but also in suburban communities with strong, well-funded public schools.

Senator Norm Coleman, Republican of Minnesota, cautions his Republican colleagues that they shouldn't even use the word "vouchers," which he refers to as "the deadly V-word."

"In my state, it's a pretty divisive word," he warned them in a speech on the Senate floor this fall.

But that won't stop conservatives like Norquist, who view vouchers as a key ingredient in their effort to "downsize" government services. "The problem is that the federal government hands out billions of dollars, and people will lie, cheat, steal, or bribe to get it," Norquist said in an interview with Reasononline, the website of the libertarian Reason Foundation. "If you have a big cake, and you put it under the sink and then you wonder why the cockroaches are in your kitchen, I don't think any sprays or blocking the holes in the walls are going to get rid of the cockroaches. You've got to throw the cake in the trash so that the cockroaches don't have something to come for."

The American people do not view public schoolteachers and students as cockroaches. The overwhelming majority strongly support public schools. They don't want them dismantled; they just want them to work better.

The attack by Norquist and his ilk is nothing less than a highly partisan attempt to undermine teacher unions and the Democratic Party, destroying our American tradition of public education in the process.
Barbara Miner is a Milwaukee-based journalist specializing in education.

I think it is worth noting the views of Thomas Jefferson, one of the Framers of the U.S. Constitution, regarding Public Education:

Publicly Supported Education

Jefferson developed an elaborate plan for making education available to every citizen, and for providing a complete education through university for talented youths who were unable to afford it. He considered his most important accomplishment, after Author of the Declaration of Independence and the Statute for Religious Freedom, to have been the Father of the University of Virginia.

"I have indeed two great measures at heart, without which no republic can maintain itself in strength: 1. That of general education, to enable every man to judge for himself what will secure or endanger his freedom. 2. To divide every county into hundreds, of such size that all the children of each will be within reach of a central school in it." --Thomas Jefferson to John Tyler, 1810. ME 12:393

"Of all the views of this law [for public education], none is more important, none more legitimate, than that of rendering the people the safe as they are the ultimate guardians of their own liberty." --Thomas Jefferson: Notes on Virginia Q.XIV, 1782. ME 2:206

"Education not being a branch of municipal government, but, like the other arts and sciences, an accident [i.e., attribute] only, I did not place it with election as a fundamental member in the structure of government." --Thomas Jefferson to John Taylor, 1816. ME 15:45

"Education is here placed among the articles of public care, not that it would be proposed to take its ordinary branches out of the hands of private enterprise, which manages so much better all the concerns to which it is equal; but a public institution can alone supply those sciences which, though rarely called for, are yet necessary to complete the circle, all the parts of which contribute to the improvement of the country, and some of them to its preservation." --Thomas Jefferson: 6th Annual Message, 1806. ME 3:423

"The present consideration of a national establishment for education, particularly, is rendered proper by this circumstance also, that if Congress, approving the proposition, shall yet think it more eligible to found it on a donation of lands, they have it now in their power to endow it with those which will be among the earliest to produce the necessary income. The foundation would have the advantage of being independent on war, which may suspend other improvements by requiring for its own purposes the resources destined for them." --Thomas Jefferson: 6th Annual Message, 1806. ME 3:424

A Bill for Educating the Masses

"The object [of my education bill was] to bring into action that mass of talents which lies buried in poverty in every country for want of the means of development, and thus give activity to a mass of mind which in proportion to our population shall be the double or treble of what it is in most countries." --Thomas Jefferson to M. Correa de Serra, 1817. ME 15:156

"The general objects [of a bill to diffuse knowledge more generally through the mass of the people] are to provide an education adapted to the years, to the capacity, and the condition of every one, and directed to their freedom and happiness." --Thomas Jefferson: Notes on Virginia Q.XIV, 1782. ME 2:204

"A bill for the more general diffusion of learning... proposed to divide every county into wards of five or six miles square;... to establish in each ward a free school for reading, writing and common arithmetic; to provide for the annual selection of the best subjects from these schools, who might receive at the public expense a higher degree of education at a district school; and from these district schools to select a certain number of the most promising subjects, to be completed at an University where all the useful sciences should be taught. Worth and genius would thus have been sought out from every condition of life, and completely prepared by education for defeating the competition of wealth and birth for public trusts." --Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, 1813. ME 13:399

"This [bill] on education would [raise] the mass of the people to the high ground of moral respectability necessary to their own safety and to orderly government, and would [complete] the great object of qualifying them to secure the veritable aristoi for the trusts of government, to the exclusion of the pseudalists... I have great hope that some patriotic spirit will... call it up and make it the keystone of the arch of our government." --Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, 1813. ME 13:400

"My partiality for that division [of every county into wards] is not founded in views of education solely, but infinitely more as the means of a better administration of our government, and the eternal preservation of its republican principles. The example of this most admirable of all human contrivances in government, is to be seen in our Eastern States; and its powerful effect in the order and economy of their internal affairs, and the momentum it gives them as a nation, is the single circumstance which distinguishes them so remarkably from every other national association." --Thomas Jefferson to Wilson C. Nicholas, 1816. ME 14:454

"The less wealthy people,... by the bill for a general education, would be qualified to understand their rights, to maintain them, and to exercise with intelligence their parts in self-government; and all this would be effected without the violation of a single natural right of any one individual citizen." --Thomas Jefferson: Autobiography, 1821. ME 1:73

pResident Bush, with his unfunded mandate of the No Child Left Behind law, is trying to force public schools to meet impossible testing criteria while providing no money or support to public school teachers and administrators. Public schools in Texas are teaching to the TAKS test and our children are not getting a well rounded education. A certain percentage of children MUST pass the TAKS or the schools risk losing their federal funding and teachers risk getting fired if too many children in a particular class/subject are failing the TAKS. Republicans want to bankrupt the public education system in order to force people to take their children and the subsequent tax dollars that go with them to private schools. Vouchers will only benefit the already wealthy among us. Vouchers will nowhere near pay for a private school education. The poor and middle class will suffer if vouchers are put in place.

Once again, I will reiterate that an uneducated populace results in uneducated voters. Republicans want to "dumb down" the masses in order to keep them subservient to the wealthy.


Posted by: Kris Graham at May 6, 2005 10:35 AM

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